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State of Ireland, brought down to the End of the Year 1779—Distresses—Free Trade— Observations— Armed Associations.
'THE preceding sections have been written near a twelvemonth, events have since happened, which are of an importance that will not permit me to pass them by in silence, much as I wish to do it. The moment of national expectation and heat is seldom that of cool discussion. When the minds of men are in a ferment, questions originally simple, become complex from forced combinations. To publish opinions, however candidly formed, at such times, is a most unpleasant business, for it is almost impossible to avoid censure; but as a dead silence upon events of such importance, would look either like ignorance or affectation, I shall lay before the reader the result of my own researches. UPON the meeting of the Irish parliament in October last, the great topic, which seemed to engross all their attention, was the distress of the kingdom, and the remedy demanded — A free trade.
In the preceding papers Ireland exhibits the picture of a country, perhaps the most rising in prosperity of any in Europe, the data upon which that idea was formed, were brought down to Lady-day, 1778. I must therefore naturally enquire into the circumstances of a situation which seems to have changed so suddenly, and to so great a degree. I have taken every measure to gain whatever proofs I could of the real declension in Ireland during this period, and I find the circumstance of the revenue producing so much less than usual, particularly insisted on, the following is the state of it. The greatest declension is in these articles: THE total decline in the last year amounts to about one hundred thousand pounds, and from the particulars it appears to lie on the import account; for as to the fall of five thousand pounds on the export customs, it is very trivial, those distresses which have, by associations or naturally, so immediate an effect in cutting off the expences of importation, while exports remain nearly as they were, have a wonderful tendency to produce a cure the moment the disease is known; for that balance of wealth, arising from such an account, must animate every branch of industry in a country, whose greatest evil is the want of capital and circulation. GENERALLY speaking, a declining revenue is a proof of a declining wealth; but the present case is so strong an exception, that the very contrary is the fact; the Irish were very free and liberal consumers of foreign commodities; they have greatly curtailed that consumption, not from poverty, for their exports have many of them increased, and none declined comparably with their imports, circumstances marked by the course of exchange being much in their favour, as well as by these and other accounts; this liberal consumption being lessened from other motives, they are necessarily accumulating a considerable superlucration of wealth, which in spite of fate will revive their revenues, while it increases every exertion of their national industry. FROM 1777 to 1778, the customs on their exports increased, but their customs on imports declined above £77,000. From 1778 to 1779 the former fell £4,310 or more than a ninth, at the same time the import duty fell £63,000 or a fifth; this difference in these articles is very great, and if all the heads of the revenue were included it would be more still. IT is not surprizing that the national debt should increase while the revenue declines. At lady-day, 1779, it amounted to £1,062,597 which is more than in 1777 by £237,171. BUT the decline of the revenue has by no means been general, as will be seen by the following table of articles, which have been upon the rise. ALL of which, except the article of stamps, are laid upon the great consumption of the common people; whatever distress, therefore, is marked by a falling revenue, the lower classes do not seem, fortunately, to have suffered proportionably with the higher ones. But let us farther enquire how far the declension of revenue is owing to an increase of poverty; and how far to a forced artificial measure, that of associations for non-import. These have been very general in Ireland, during 1779, and must have had a considerable effect. In order to understand the question, the facts themselves must be seen; the following tables will explain them. The revenue of Ireland, is raised chiefly on the import of spirits, tea, wine, tobacco, and sugar. THE great decline is in spirits and wine. Tea has not fallen upon the whole; and tobacco in 1779 is superior to 1778. Sugar since 1776 is much fallen, but from 1778 to 1779 there is a rise. Coals are tolerably equal. The strongest circumstance is that of wine, which has fallen very greatly indeed. Th« principal cause of the decline of the revenue is to be found in these imports. The remark I made before seems to be strongly confirmed, that the distress of Ireland seems more to have affected the higher than the lower classes; wine, green tea, and brandy, are fallen off considerably, but tobacco, bohea tea, and muscovado sugar, are increased from 1778 to 1779. This is strongly confirmed by the import of loaf sugar having fallen while muscovado has risen: the loaf in 1776 is 8,907 cwt. in 1777 it is 15,928 cwt. in 1778 it is 12,365 cwt. but in 1779 it is only 5,931 cwt. Other instances may be produced: imported millinery, a mere article of luxury for people of fashion, has fallen greatly: English beer, consumed by the better ranks, declines much, but hops for Irish beer, which is drank by the lower ones, has risen exceedingly. FROM this circumstance I draw a very strong conclusion, that rents are not paid as well as they ought, and that tenants and agents make a pretence of bad times to an extent far beyond the fact. The common expression of bad times
does some mischief of this kind in England, but in Ireland it is much more effective, especially in excuses sent to absentees instead of remittances. THE great decline of the import of British manufactures and goods, which is remarkable, must be attributed to the non-import associations bearing particularly against them; they have dropped so much, that we may hope the Irish manufactures, they have interfered with, may have risen in consequence. IN most of these articles we find such a decline of import, that there is no wonder the revenue should have suffered. If it is said, that this decreased import is to be attributed to a preceding poverty, it will only throw back the period of enquiry into the years discussed in a preceding section, and from which no national decline can by any means be deduced. SOME articles of import, however, contain such a decline, as induces me to think there must be more distress than appears from others. The following are the objects I fix on. THESE are demanded by the agriculture, or the manufactures of the kingdom, and are the last that ought to fall. IT is asserted that the declension in the trade of Ireland is not in imports only. Let us examine this. The year 1779 is not complete, as the account for the troops is not made up. NOTHING can be clearer than the language of this table. The declension it speaks is very trivial, but the increase in the most important articles is prodigious—an increase that continues to the present time, as we see from the export for the troops in 1779, inserted in the note. This Irish account agrees very well with the English one brought in by Lord North, from which the following particulars are extracted. IMPORTS from IRELAND. As far as this account comes, for the year 1779 is not in it, here is almost every appearance of increase, or at least the decline where there is any, is much too inconsiderable to found any conclusions on. Let us examine manufactured exports from the same account. FROM hence we find that these articles have not fallen off so much as might from many reasons have been expected. Linen yarn has risen from 1777 to 1778 considerably. Cloth bas fallen, but not enough to give any alarm. From 1770 to 1771 in linen yarn was almost as great a fall without any ill effects ensuing. The following table contains the total export from Ireland. EXPORT of LINEN, YARN, &c. WHICH does not mark any such decline as happened upon the bankruptcy of Mr. Fordyce. It is remarkable from these two accounts how great a proportion of the exported linen of Ireland is taken off by England, in the year 1776 it absorbed the whole. Indeed it appears to have more than done it, which apparent error arises from the Irish accounts ending at Lady-day, and the English ones the 31st of December. But in order to explain this business as much as possible, I shall, in the next place, insert the English account of all the exports and imports to and from Ireland. IN the year 1768, the export and import between Scotland and Ireland is not included, but in the rest it is. This table is drawn from the accounts laid before parliament at the close of the sessions of 1778-9, relative to the valuation here followed of the custom- house, I should remark, it has been supposed, that the real
balance is in favour of Ireland, notwithstanding the valuation speaks the contrary, and Lord North in December last gave this as his information to the house of commons. But taking the account as it stands here, it must evidently appear that the distresses which •have come upon Ireland within the last year or two, do not in the smallest degree originate in her commercial connections with England, for during the last nine or ten years her balance has grown less and less. From 1776 to 1777 it sunk £230,000 and from 1777 to 1778 it fell £350,000. If therefore Ireland was prosperous while she paid us a balance of £7, £8, and £900,000 a year, surely she ought not to be more distressed under less than a fourth of it? That kingdom must upon the face of this account have had a superlucration of wealth arising of late years upon this trade to a very great amount. But this account does not include the year 1779, of which upon the general payments between the two kingdoms I have no other authority than to mention the course of exchange. Mr. Eden observes (Four letters to the Earl of Carlisle)
that during the year 1778 and 1779, the exchange of Dublin on London has varied from 5¼ to 7⅛ par. is 8⅓. October 27, 1779, it was at 6¼, which is remarkably low, and proves that Ireland must have been accumulating wealth through that period. THE reader will naturally remark, that these are all external authorities: some of them seem to mark a distress in Ireland, but others speak very strongly a direct contrary language; it remains to be observed, that the interior authorities have been much insisted on. It has been asserted, and by verv respectable persons, that rents have fallen, lands untenanted, prices low, people unemployed, and poverty universal. The misfortune of these circumstances when produced as argument, is that they admit no proof. I ask for figures and you give me anecdote: my lord, this is ruined— the duke of t'other cannot afford to live at Dublin, the earl of A. has no remittances, Mr. C. has £18,000 arrears. This is a repetition of the complaints which the English house of commons heard so much of in 1770. I am very far from denying them, but only desire that assertions
may not be accepted as proofs.
They are national complaints when a new system of policy is called for, the palpable consequence of which is, that they are exaggerated—such complaints always were, and always will exceed the truth. PRICES are an object of consequence, and ought to be particularly attended to, butter was, at Waterford, all last winter, at 42s. per cwt. Pork at the beginning of the winter 23s. to 23s. 9d. from that it rose by degrees to 26s. 6d. per cwt. The butter is very low, lower than for ten years; but pork keeps up its price. At Limerick the minutes shew that 29s. 3d. is a very high price, and that 12s. was the price only eleven years ago. N. B. The prices at which the assise of bread has been struck at Waterford, since Christmas, are from 16s. 3d. to 16 9d. Beginning of February, barley up to 11s. 6d. per barrel, afterwards 12s. THESE are all the Waterford prices, there is a considerable fall in some, in others not; and in all the rates are higher than those of a few years ago.] LET it not, however, be imagined, that I contend Ireland suffers none, or very little distress: while we see very great distresses in England we need not wonder that Ireland should, though in a less degree, suffer likewise. We see the funds have in a few years fallen 27 per cent. The years purchase of land reduced from 33 to 23. The prices of all products fallen from 30 to 100 per cent. Wheat from 7s. to 3s. a bushel; other grain in proportion. Wool from 18s to 12s. all greatly owing to the scarcity of money arising from the high interest paid for the public loans: I can hardly conceive those operations to have drawn money from the channels of industry in every part of this island, without likewise affecting our neighbour, much of whose national industry was. if not supported
, at least much assisted by English capitals. Therefore, from reasoning, I should suppose, they must have been somewhat distressed, but the preceding facts will not permit me to imagine that distress to be any thing like what is represented, at the same time that they shew it is in many articles wearing out even while the complaints are loudest. ADMITTING some distress, and connecting it with the general state of the kingdom rather than peculiarly to the present moment, I may be asked to what is it owing?
The preceding sections have been an answer to that question, but to bring their result into a very short compass, I should here observe, that the causes which have impeded the progress of Irish prosperity are, Is it upon the whole to be concluded, relative to the present moment, that the freedom of trade now giving to Ireland, is a wrong measure? I by no means either think or assert such an opinion. In the preceding sections I have repeatedly endeavoured to shew, that no policy was ever more absurd than the restricting system of England, which has been as prejudicial to herself as to Ireland; but because a measure is wise and prudent, is it proper to admit for truths facts which do not appear to be founded? the question of political prudence is a question only of the moment; but to admit circumstances to speak a national declension, which prove no such thing, is laying the foundation of future deception; it is bringing false principles into the political science, in a point than which none can be more important, ascertaining the circumstances relative to all future cases as well as the present, which prove the prosperity or declension of a kingdom. And here the reader will, I hope, pardon a digression on the conduct of one set of men in the present noise of distress; it is a circumstance in the state of Ireland, that should make more impression upon the country gentlemen of that kingdom than it does: they have united with merchants and manufacturers in the violent cry for a free trade, and they have regularly in parliament promoted all those visionary and expensive projects set on foot by interested people, for giving premiums and bounties, to the amount of above an hundred thousand pounds a year, and which alone accounts for the whole of that national debt, and declining revenue, which will make many new taxes necessary. The Irish arc a grateful and a loyal people, and will not receive this free tiade without making a return for it; that can only be in taxation; nay, they already speak in parliament of a return. Thus have the country gentlemen of that kingdom been such dupes, as to agree to measures for running themselves in debt, and have joined in the cry for a favour, which I have shewn cannot be of any considerable use perhaps for half a century, but for which they are immediately to pay a solid return, and if that return takes the shape of a land tax, they have nobody to thank but themselves. What I would conclude from this is, and would urge it as a lesson for the future, that it is always for the benefit of the landed interest TO BE QUIET. Let merchants and manufacturers complain, riot, associate, and do whatever they please, but never unite with them; restrain but never inflame them. The whole tenour of the preceding minutes proves that Ireland has flourished for these last thirty years to an uncommon degree, I believe more than any country in Europe. Was not this enough? Was not this a reason for being silent and still? Why not submit to a temporary distress, rather than by loud complaints, bring the state and situation of your country into question at all ? Why demand useless favours in order to pay solid returns? During the whole flow of your prosperity what have been the additional burthens laid on you in taxation? Every country in Europe has added to those burthens considerably, England immensely, but you not at all, or to so trifling an amount as to be the same thing. Could your most sanguine hopes picture a more happy situation? And yet to yourselves are you indebted for bounties on the carriage of corn, for premiums on corn stands, for ideal navigations through bogs to convey turf to Whitehaven, for colliers where there is no coal, for bridges where there are no rivers, navigable cuts where there is no water, harbours where there are no ships, and churches where there are no congregations.3
Party may have dictated such measures, in order to render government poor and dependent; but rely on it, such a conduct was for their own, not your advantage, as the absolute necessity of new taxes will most feelingly convince you. Thus have you been duped by one set into measures, which have impoverished the public and burthened you with a debt; and because another description of men suffer a distress, in its very nature temporary, you join in their cry to buy that, which if any good arose from it, would be theirs,4
while you only are to pay the piper. Henceforward, therefore, execrate, silence, confound, and abash the men, who raise clamours at distresses, whether real or imaginary; you know from the progressive prosperity of your country, that such cannot be radical; weighty experience has told you also, that you may have to pay for relief that goes but imaginarily to others, in giving up your solid gold for their ideal profits. Reflect that the great period of your increasing wealth was a time of quiet and silence, and that you did not complain of poverty until you were proved to be a golden object of taxation. Ponder well on these facts and be in future silent. THAT the measure of giving freedom to the Irish commerce is a wise one, I have not a doubt, but I must own, I regret its not having been done upon principles of sound policy, rather than at a time when it can bear the construction, true or false, of being extorted; and this leads me to one or two observations on the armed associations, which have made too much noise in England. IF ill founded apprehensions have led the legislature of Britain to do now what it ought to have done long ago, the effect is beneficial to both countries; but I cannot admit that it is merely giving charity to a sturdy beggar, who frightens us by the brandishing and size of his crutch. To suppose that Great Britain is at the mercy of Ireland, and that an Irish congress
may arise, supported by forty thousand bayonets, is mere idle declamation, we have the strongest reason entirely to reject such ideas, because it could not possibly end in any thing but the ruin of Ireland; the very conflict would arrest all that prosperity which has been gradually flowing in upon her for these thirty years past, and leave her exposed, a divided,5
weakened people, open to the attack of every potent neighbour. What a senseless, military mob, led by men who have nothing to lose, would wish or attempt, may be doubted, but that military associations, officered and commanded by men of the first property, who have not named a grievance without redress following, and who have experienced more favour from three sessions of the British parliament than from three centuries before.—To suppose that such men, having every thing to lose by public confusion, but nothing to gain, would so entirely turn their back to the most powerful pleadings of their own interest and that of their country, is to suppose a case which never did nor ever will happen. APPREHENSIONS of any extremities are idle, but there is this misfortune in a series of concessions not given to reason, but to clamour, that they rather invite new demands than satisfy old ones; and from this circumstance results the great superiority of coming at once to an universal explanation, and agreeing cither to a union, or to such a modification of one, as I stated in section XXII. IN the next place let me enquire what degree of relief, (supposing the distresses of that kingdom to be as they may) will result from the freedom lately given to the Irish in respect to their woollen and American trades, which will naturally lead me to the question, whether any prejudice is likely to result to England. WHATEVER the distress may be in Ireland, it appears that these freedoms will not strike immediately at the evil, nor bring any considerable remedy; they are general favours, and not applicable to the distress of the time; this ought to be well understood in Ireland, because false hopes lead only to disappointment. It was highly proper to repeal those restrictions, but it is every day in the power of the Irish to render to themselves much more important services. In order to convert their new situation to immediate advantage, they must establish woollen fabricks for the new markets opened to them; those already in the kingdom I cannot suppose to be exported for this plain reason—they are rivalled in their own markets by similar manufactures from England, I mean particularly fine broad cloths and ratteens; if the Irish fabricks cannot stand the competition of ours in the market of Dublin, while they have a heavy land carriage in England, freight, commission, and duties on landing; and while the Irish cloth has a great bounty by the Dublin Society to encourage it, they certainly will not be able to oppose us in foreign markets, where we meet on equal terms; this removes the expected advantage to new
fabricks, which, let me observe, require new capitals, new establishments, new exertions, and new difficulties to be overcome, and all this in a country where the old established and flourishing fabrick could scarcely be supported without English credit. It may farther be observed, that the reason why that credit and support have been given to the linen of Ireland, is its being a fabrick not interfering with those of Britain, it is a different manufacture, demanded for different purposes. Had it been otherwise, the superiority of English capitals, and the advantage of long established skill and industry, would have crushed the competition of the Irish linen; as in future they will
crush any competition in woollens if of the same kinds we manufacture ourselves. When the capital of Ireland becomes much larger, when new habits of industry are introduced, and when time has established new funds of skill, then new fabricks may be undertaken with advantage, but it must be a work of time, and can no more operate as a remedy to present evils, than any scheme of the most visionary nature. Their West-India trade, I believe, will be of as little service; every thing in commerce depends on capital; in order to send ships freighted with Irish commodities to those colonies, reloaded with West-India goods, capital and credit are necessary; they have it not for new trades; the progressive prosperity of the kingdom has increased all the old branches of their commerce, but they all exhibit a proof that they are still cramped for want of greater exertions, which time is bringing. If new speculations change the current of old capitals, the advantage may be very problematical; if this is not done new trades will demand new capitals, and I believe it will be difficult to point out three men in the kingdom with an unemployed wealth applicable to new undertakings. BUT it is said that English capitals will be employed; an argument equally used to prove the gain of Ireland and the loss of England; but in fact proving neither one nor the other. If the wealth of England is employed there, it will be for the benefit of England. Before the present troubles three fourths of the trade, industry, and even agriculture of North America, were put in motion by English capitals, but assuredly for our own benefit; the profit was remitted to England, and whenever the fund itself was withdrawn, it was to the same country. Is it for the benefit of Portugal that English factors reside at Oporto? Supposing the fact should happen, that English manufacturers or merchants should establish factors or partners at Corke or Waterford, to carry on woollen fabricks, I see not a shadow of objection; the profit of those undertakings would center most assuredly in England; and if in doing it the Irish were benefited also, who can repine? Were not the Americans benefited in the same manner? That England would suffer no loss if this was to happen appears to me clear, but I believe Ireland has very little reason to expect it for many years. I have shewn already that such a plan could never be thought of for such fabricks as are in Ireland rivalled by English goods of the same sort; if it was to happen it must be in new
fabricks: but let me ask a sensible manufacturer, whether it would not be easier for him to establish such amidst the long established skill and ingenuity of England, rather than go into a country where the whole must be a creation; where cheapness of provisions, and the habit of subsisting on potatoes, at so small an expence, would baffle his endeavours for half an age, to make the people industrious, and where, under that disadvantage, the price of his labour would be as high as in England? I have a right to conclude this, seeing the fact in the linen manufacture, throughout the North of Ireland, where the weavers earn on an average 1s. 5d. a day, and where also the cheapness of provisions proves very often detrimental to the fabrick. As a general question, there is nothing more mistaken than dearness and cheapness of labour. Artizans and manufacturers of all sorts are as well paid by the day as in England, but the quantity
of work they give for it, and in many cases the quality
differ exceedingly. Husbandry labour is very low priced
, but by no means cheap;
I have in a preceding section shewn this, and asserted on experience that two shillings a day in Suffolk is cheaper than six pence in Corke. If a Huron would dig for two pence, I have little doubt but it might be dearer than the Irishman's six pence. IF an English manufacturer could not attempt an Irish fabrick for cheapness of labour, what other motive could influence him? Not the price of the raw material, for wool is on an average forty-seven per cent. dearer than in England, which alone is a heavy burthen. Other reasons, were the above not sufficient, would induce me to believe on the one hand, that the Irish will not immediately reap any benefit from English capitals employed in their woollen fabricks; and on the other, that if it was to happen, England would sustain no loss. What time may effect is another question; Ireland has been so fast increasing in prosperity, that she will gradually form a capital of her own for new trades, and I doubt not will, flourish in them without the least prejudice to Britain. Those who are apt to think the contrary, cannot consider with too much attention that case in point, North-Britain, which by means of cheap labour and provisions, has not been able to rival, with any dangerous success, one single English fabrick, yet has she raised many to a great degree of prosperity; but she has flourished in them without injury to us; and her greatest manufactures, such as stockings, linens, &c. &c. have grown with the unrivalled prosperity of similar fabricks in England; if English capitals have been assistant, have we upon review a single reason to regret it ? The plenty of coals in Scotland is an advantage that Ireland does not enjoy, where fuel is dearer than in England. BUT let me suppose for a moment, that the contrary of all this was fact, that English capitals would go, that Ireland would gain, and that England would lose. Is it imagined that the account would stop there? By no means. Why would English capitals go? Because they could be employed to more advantage; and will any one convince us, that it is not for the general benefit of the empire, that capitals should be employed where they will be most productive?
Is it even for the advantage of England, that a thousand pounds should here be employed in a fabrick at twelve per cent. profit, if the same could make twenty in Ireland? This is not at all clear; but no position is plainer than another, because it is founded on uniform facts, that the wealth of Ireland is the wealth of England, and that the consumption in Ireland of English manufactures thrives exactly in proportion to that wealth. While the great profit of the linen manufacture centers at last in England, and while English capitals, and English factors, and partners, have gone to the North of Ireland to advance that fabrick, so much to the benefit of England, what shadow of an apprehension can arise, that other branches of Irish prosperity may arise by the same means, and with the same effect. Take into one general idea the consumption of British goods in that kingdom; the interest they pay us for money; and the remittances from absentee estates; and then let any one judge, if they can possibly increase in wealth without a vast proportion of every shilling of that wealth at last centuring here. It is for this reason that I think myself the warmest friend to Britain, by urging the importance of Irish prosperity; we can never thrive to the extent of our capacity till local prejudices are done away, and they are not done away until we believe the advantage the same, whether wealth arises in Roscommon or in Berkshire. UPON the whole it appears, that the Irish have no reason to look for relief from this new and liberal system, to any distress peculiar to the present moment; the silent progress of time is doing that for them, which they are much too apt to look for in statutes, regulations and repeals. Their distress will most assuredly be only temporary. The increase of wealth, which has for some time been flowing into that kingdom, will animate their industry; to put it in the future is improper, it must be doing it at this moment, and he is no friend to Britain that does not wish it may continue in the most rapid progression; in this idea I shall not hesitate to declare, that the freedoms granted to Ireland, whenever they shall take effect to the benefit of that kingdom, will prove the wisest measures for enriching this. That all apprehensions of ills arising from them are equally contrary to the dictates of experience, and to the conclusions of the soundest theory. 1
THE export on account of the troops is, 2
THIS single circumstance is sufficient to account for any distress that may be found in the north. Men who emigrate are from the nature of the circumstance the most active, hardy, daring, bold, and resolute spirits, and probably the most mischievous also. The intelligence in the minutes speaks that language; it was every year the loose, disorderly, worthless fellows that emigrated; upon an average of twenty years the number was four or five thousand; but from the great increasing population of the country, the number in the four or five years last past, would have been greater. At any rate here must be from twenty-five to forty thousand of the most disorderly worthless spirits accumulated, much against their wills, at home, and are fully sufficient to account for violence and riots, much more for clamour and complaint. 3
THE assertion is not founded on the following charge in the national accounts 1779, though one might presume something upon it; 4
I am well aware of what may be here said upon the advantage of landlords being in proportion to the prosperity of manufactures and commerce: in general it certainly is so, and always when things are left to take their natural course, but when they rise above the tenour of that smooth quiet current, the conclusion may not be just: all the measures condemned in the text are forced and artificial. 5
THOSE who are so wild as for a moment to conceive an idea of this sort, must surely have forgot the roman catholicks in that kingdom. It would be easy to enlarge on this point, but for every reason improper.SECTION XXIV.
In the years,
1776
1777
1778
1779
£.
£.
£.
£.
Customs inwards,
248,491
251,055
198,550
165,802
Customs outwards,
42,488
35,883
36,027
31,717
Import excise,
152,238
153,727
131,284
106,070
Wine, first,
15,825
16,124
13,497
8,933
THE totals are as follow, including the hereditary revenue, old and new additional duties, stamps, and appropriated duties.
In the years,
1776
1777
1778
1779
£.
£.
£.
£.
Totals,
1,040,055
1,093,881
968,683
862,823
In the years,
1776
1777
1778
1779
£.
£.
£.
£.
In the above account
customs inwards, import
excise, and wine duty,
added together, amount to
these sums, being,
416,554
420,906
343,331
280,802
Customs outwards,
42,488
35,883
36,027
31,717
In the years,
1776
1777
1778
1779
£.
£.
£.
£.
Ale licenses,
7,272
7,182
7,363
7,511
Wine and strong water ditto,
19,563
19,984
20,823
20,298
Hearth money,
60,966
60,580
61,646
60,617
Tea duty residues,
4,404
4,590
7,300
5,747
Tobacco,
58,046
51,453
47,698
52,558
Strong waters, third,
5,659
18,586
18,782
18,233
Stamps,
19,725
20,784
21,174
21,316
Hops,
2,141
3,984
2,427
4,012
In
the
year
Coals.
Muscovado
Sugar.
Brandy.
Geneva.
Rum.
Tons.
Cwt.
Gallons.
Gallons.
Gallons.
1776
217,938
238,746
403,706
153,430
1,888,068
1777
240,893
193,258
479,996
137,474
1,680,233
1778
237,101
139,816
226,434
144,438
1,234,502
1779
219,992
145,540
180,705
87,423
1,183,865
In
the
year
Tea,
Bohea.
Tea,
Green.
Wines of
all sorts.
Tobacco.
lb.
lb.
Tons.
lb.
1776
308,558
371,968
5,075
5,379,405
1777
359,475
344,726
5,129
3,916,409
1778
336,470
479,115
4,319
3,629,056
1779
402,594
375,269
2,806
4,038,479
In
the
year
Hops.
Millinery
ware.
Beer.
Cwt.
Value.
£.
Barrels.
1776
9,694
13,758
65,922
1777
18,067
16,881
70,382
1778
10,974
15,667
68,960
1779
18,191
8,317
43,437
In
the
year
New
drapery.
Old
drapery.
Muslin.
Silk
manufac.
Yds.
Yds.
Yds.
lb.
1776
676,485
290,215
110,522
17,326
1777
731,819
381,330
162,663
24,187
1778
741,426
378,077
121,934
27,223
1779
270,839
176,196
44,507
15,794
In
the
year
Flax-
seed.
Hemp
seed.
Clover
seed.
Raw
silk.
Cotton
wool.
Mohair
yarn.
Hbds.
Hbds.
Cwt.
lb.
Cwt.
lb.
1776
24,077
150
4,648
41,594
3,860
29,345
1777
32,613
159
5,988
54,043
4,569
27,424
1778
37,211
106
5,664
51,873
4,565
18,327
1779
20,419
69
3,852
29,633
1,345
4,552
In
the
year
Beef.
Hides,
Tallow.
Butter.
Barrels.
No.
Cwt.
Cwt.
1776
203,685
108,574
50,549
272,411
1777
181,784
84,391
48,502
272,882
1778
203,901
79,531
38,450
265,245
1779
138,918
55,823
41,384
227,829
In
the
year
Pork.
Hog's lard.
Candles.
Barrels.
Cwt.
Cwt.
1776
72,714
3,216
3,155
1777
122,227
2,981
1,764
1778
126,908
3,428
938
1779
70,066
3,527
1,8271
In
the
year
Value of
beef.
Value of
butter.
Value of
tallow.
Value of
pork.
£.
£.
£.
£.
1768
55,802
173,259
52,557
28,609
1769
55,107
260,357
45,635
18,544
1770
51,695
149,464
44,928
22,240
1771
64,072
236,403
43,274
25,504
1772
48,434
204,810
17,419
22,401
1773
45,364
229,528
43,230
30,198
1774
46,064
211,152
38,247
21,836
1775
50,299
245,624
46,398
40,358
1776
95,194
237,926
48,072
42,737
1777
106,915
274,535
41,695
29,575
1778
106,202
210,986
39,209
37,981
In
the
year
Linen.
Linen yarn raw.
Bay yarn.
Yards.
Value.
Yards.
Value.
Yards.
Value.
1768
15,249,248
500,778
4,794,926
209,778
21,043
47,426
1769
16,496,271
549,875
4,107,478
179,702
19,332
43,580
1770
18,195,087
606,502
5,240,687
229,280
19,903
44,864
1771
20,622,217
687,407
4,035,756
176,564
18,588
41,894
1772
19,171,771
639,059
3,608,424
157,649
14,828
33,421
1773
17,876,617
595,887
3,082,274
134,869
11,073
24,964
1774
21,447,198
714,906
4,660,833
203,911
12,549
28,289
1775
21,916,171
730,539
4,363,582
190,906
13,882
31,294
1776
20,943,847
698,128
3,914,351
171,252
18,091
40,778
1777
21,132,548
704,418
3,198,437
139,931
17,897
40,269
1778
18,869,447
628,981
3,788,603
165,751
15,053
33,870
In
the
year
Linen cloth.
Linen yarn.
Worsted yarn.
Yards.
Cwt.
Stones.
1776
20,502,587
36,152
86,527
1777
19,714,638
29,698
114,703
1778
21,945,729
28,108
122,755
1779
18,836,042
35,673
100,939
In
the
year
Exports to Ireland
of English manufacture,
foreign goods and
merchandize, in and
out of time, and
exported from
Scotland.
Goods and merchandize
imported from Ireland
to England.
Balance against
Ireland.
£.
£.
£.
1768
2,248,314
1,226,094
1,022,220
1769
2,347,801
1,542,253
805,548
1770
2,544,737
1,358,899
1,185,838
1771
2,436,853
1,547,237
889,616
1772
2,396,152
1,416,285
979,867
1773
2,123,705
1,392,759
730,946
1774
2,414,666
1,573,345
841,321
1775
2,401,686
1,641,069
760,617
1776
2,461,290
1,654,226
807,064
1777
2,211,689
1,639,871
571,818
1778
1,731,808
1,510,881
220,927
1777
1778
1779
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
Beef 4½ Cwt. Average per barrel,
50
0
to
0
0
44
0
to
0
0
47
0
to
0
0
Pork per barrel, do.
62
6
0
0
54
0
0
0
66
0
0
0
Butter, per Cwt.
60
0
45
0
52
6
39
0
34
0
45
0
Tallow, ditto,
40
0
43
0
41
6
44
0
43
0
47
0
Candles per doz. Lb.
5
6
0
0
5
6
0
0
5
6
6
0
Hides, per Cwt.
32
0
44
0
28
0
40
0
20
0
28
0
Wheat, per barrel, 20 stones,
19
0
22
6
17
0
22
0
15
0
19
0
Average, ditto,
20
0
0
0
19
0
0
0
17
0
0
0
1777
1778
1779
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
Flour, per Cwt. second,
12
6
to
16
0
11
6
to
10
6
Barley, per barrel, 16 stones,
9
0
9
6
9
0
9
6
9
to
10
0
1777
1778
1779
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
s.
d.
Malt, per barrel, 12 stones,
10
0
to
11
0
10
0
to
11
0
11
6
to
Oats, per barrel, 14 stones,
6
6
to
7
0
5
6
to
6
0
4
9
to
5
6
Oatmeal, per Cwt.
7
0
to
8
0
9
0
to
10
0
6
6
to
7
6
Beef.
Pork.
Butter.
Barrels.
Barrels.
Cwt.
In the year
1777
—
13,206
49,296
8,701
1778
—
13,206
49,296
8,701
1779
to 25th April,
14,801
52,260
9,974
1779
to 25th Oct.
11,572
41,164
8,572
£.
To the board of the first fruits for building new churches,
and rebuilding old churches in such parishes as no divine
public service has been performed for 20 years past,
}
6000
Arthur Young, A Tour in Ireland, made in the years 1776, 1777, and 1778 (London: T. Cadell, 1780)